Wednesday, January 3, 2018

The Memo: DACA tensions roil GOP

   
The Memo: DACA tensions roil GOP
© Greg Nash
A fix for DACA is one of the most urgent issues on the congressional agenda but the politics of the subject are complicated, especially for President Trump and his party.
The Obama-era program — its full title is Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals — is set to end in March, a decision that was announced by Trump in September. 
But public polling shows that the basic formulation that underpins the program is popular. And Democrats believe their party has significant leverage to tie DACA protections into a spending bill to avert a government shutdown. The deadline for such a deal is Jan. 19.
That leaves Republicans having to decide if there is a way to extend the program’s protections while not incurring the wrath of their own base.
DACA gives protection from deportation and the right to work to around 800,000 people who entered the United States illegally as minors. 
A recent CNN poll indicated 83 percent of adults want the program’s benefits to remain in place. An NBC News–Wall Street Journal poll conducted last month suggested 62 percent of Americans want the program to endure, 19 percent want it to end and 19 percent are unsure.
Trump was elected while promising a much stricter approach to illegal immigration, however. 
He has suggested that any extension of DACA protections needs to go hand-in-hand with strengthened border enforcement, conservative changes to current immigration law and some progress toward building the southern border wall that he promised on the campaign trail.
Trump told The New York Times last week, “I wouldn’t do a DACA plan without a wall.”
Democrats say support for the wall is a non-starter, although they appear to be open to some degree of strengthened border enforcement. 
But immigration hawks are pressing Republican lawmakers not to shift too far from the promises they believe got Trump elected in the first place.
“The president ran on some key, fundamental reforms to our immigration system,” said R.J. Hauman, the government relations director of the Federation for American Immigration Reform, which favors a more conservative approach to immigration. “The reforms that the president ran on should be the priorities of Congress — not a DACA amnesty for illegal aliens.”
Conservative lawmakers have struck similar chords. Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa), an immigration hard-liner, told Sirius XM’s “Breitbart News Tonight” last month, “If [Trump] will follow through and put an end to DACA, then he’s in a place to be the first presidential candidate in — who knows, our lifetime — to lay out promises on a campaign trail and have a chance to keep them all, and that would be a tremendous legacy.”
King said keeping that promise was “far more important and far more valuable to America than keeping people here who are here illegally.”
But other Republicans see things very differently. At the start of December, 34 House Republicans signed a letter to Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) calling for a vote before the end of 2017 on legislation to protect DACA recipients. 
The need for a fix is felt especially strongly among members from more diverse or competitive districts. Rep. Carlos Curbelo (R-Fla.) joined Democrats in voting against a short-term spending measure just before the Christmas recess. 
In a statement at the time, Curbelo said, “These are America’s children, and they have earned a future in our country.” Curbelo’s district is approximately two-thirds Latino. Democrat Hillary Clinton carried it by around 16 points in the 2016 presidential election. 
On Tuesday, Trump tweeted, “Democrats are doing nothing for DACA — just interested in politics.  DACA activists and Hispanics will go hard against Dems, will start ‘falling in love’ with Republicans and their President! We are about RESULTS.”
Such claims are viewed with extreme skepticism both by Democrats and by most neutral observers. In the past three presidential elections, Latino voters have favored the Democratic candidate by wide margins.
DACA has pitfalls for the Democratic leadership in Washington, too, especially if they are judged by their base to not be assertive enough in their dealings with the White House. 
There has always been some discontent among progressives that Democratic leaders have gone along with two short-term spending deals, in September and just before the Christmas recess, without any action on DACA.
Many liberals say there can be no third strike on the issue.
“The absolute priority is to make sure ‘Dreamers’ receive the protections they need before anything else moves,” said Tom Jawetz, the vice president of immigration policy at the Center for American Progress, a liberal group.
The Memo is a reported column by Niall Stanage, primarily focused on Donald Trump’s presidency.
   
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Itching for a fight, Dems vow to hold the line

   
Itching for a fight, Dems vow to hold the line
© Greg Nash
The January battle to keep the government open is the fight Democrats have been itching for.
On three occasions in recent months, Democrats punted on some of their top priorities as the GOP passed short-term funding bills — a strategy that outraged liberals eager for confrontation on issues like immigration and health care.
But with yet another spending deadline approaching on Jan. 19, Democrats say the time has come to hold the line. 
In a Tuesday letter to her troops, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) laid out the party’s top priorities heading into the fight. The Democrats will “insist” on parity between defense and nondefense spending hikes, Pelosi wrote, while pressing “firmly” to protect the young immigrants affected by President Trump’s move to dismantle the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. 
Pelosi also promised a tough fight over new funding for veterans, pensions, the opioid crisis, health research, disaster aid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP).
“Democrats are focused on fulfilling the many long-overdue, bipartisan priorities facing the American people,” she said.
Pelosi and Senate Minority Leader Charles Schumer (D-N.Y.) will press their case on Wednesday, when they huddle in the Capitol with Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.), Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and two leading White House officials: Mick Mulvaney, Trump’s budget director, and Marc Short, the head of legislative affairs.
Organized by Ryan, the meeting is designed to secure an agreement on the budget caps that will govern the underlying spending debate — a months-long negotiation that’s failed thus far to bear fruit.
But while the Republicans may intend to keep the discussion limited to the question of spending caps, the Democrats have much broader issues in mind.
“Them trying to outline what the meeting is about or not about is not particularly helpful,” said a senior Democratic aide.
The Democrats have plenty of leverage. Not only do they have the power to block bills with a Senate filibuster, but Ryan and House GOP leaders have struggled in recent years to secure even a simple majority for budget bills due to opposition from fiscal hawks in their own party.
“They can’t pass it by themselves,” said the Democratic aide.
The GOP’s need for Democratic votes puts a good deal of pressure on Republican leaders — fresh from a huge victory on tax reform — to forge a strategy that keeps the government running without igniting a full-on revolt from their party’s base.
Complicating their task, the House has only eight legislative days scheduled before funding runs out, and the wave of expiring provisions represents some of the most divisive issues within the GOP, including a law empowering the government to wiretap foreign targets without a warrant.
The immigration issue could prove particularly thorny. Ryan has long insisted that any DACA fix be dealt with outside the spending debate — a notion backed by Trump and other GOP lawmakers pressing for tougher enforcement measures, including a border wall.
But with conservatives expected to oppose the funding omnibus over spending concerns, Democrats will likely have an opportunity to insist on a DACA fix weeks before the program’s March 5 sunset deadline.
They’re facing plenty of pressure from their own side to do just that.
Democratic leaders resisted entreaties to force a battle over DACA in the three continuing resolutions (CR) Congress has passed since September, when Trump announced the end of the program. Most recently, Schumer declined to filibuster a Dec. 21 CR that did not include a  DACA fix, even after House Hispanic lawmakers marched to his Capitol office to press their case. Pelosi, powerless to block that spending bill because Ryan rallied the votes on his own, has said the fight was always dependent on the timing of the omnibus.
“They kicked the can for the omnibus into January. It’s this year, extended,” she said just before the holiday break.
That argument hasn’t soothed many immigrant rights activists, however, who are warning that the Democrats risk losing support in the Hispanic community if they don’t use their leverage more aggressively.
On Wednesday, immigrant rights advocates — joined by celebrities including Alyssa Milano and America Ferrera — will rally at the Los Angeles office of Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) to deliver an unsubtle message to the Democrats: deliver for the “Dreamers,” or pay a heavy price.
“DREAM Act or primaries,” Ady Barkan, a spokesman from the activist group CPD Action, said Tuesday. “We need Democrats to deliver on their promise to pass a DREAM Act now or we will put our full weight behind primary challengers who are ready to protect our communities.”
Rep. Luis Gutiérrez (D-Ill.), one of Capitol Hill’s most vocal immigrant rights advocates, is sounding a similar alarm.
“With new people becoming deportable every day, House and Senate leaders in both parties should not underestimate the urgency and the passion behind getting the DREAM Act passed right away,” Gutiérrez told The Hill Tuesday. “Our base wants us to fight for what is right — to take a stand against the bigotry and callousness coming from the White House.
“It’s backbone time for Democrats.”
   
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Abbas' Fatah: "O fighters, Tighten your iron grip on the rifles that create victory"


PMW 
Bulletin
Jan. 3, 2018
Abbas' Fatah: "O fighters,
Tighten your iron grip on the rifles that create victory"
The PLO and Fatah in Nablus invite Palestinians to participate in
"the Friday of rage and defiance"


by Itamar Marcus and Nan Jacques Zilberdik

As Palestinian Media Watch has reported, both the Palestinian Authority and Abbas' Fatah continuously called on Palestinians to participate in riots and to use violence at the end of 2017. Among these calls were the republishing of two old posters, both showing masked Palestinians carrying rifles and promoting violence.
The following text accompanied the poster above showing a masked Palestinian from behind, carrying a rifle:

"From the posters of the revolution on the anniversary of the Launch [of Fatah]:
O fighters,
Tighten your iron grip on the rifles that create victory, the decision is yours and the future and victory are yours"
[Official Fatah Facebook page, Dec. 28, 2017]
A second poster showed a child reading from a book, and behind him a masked Palestinian wearing a keffiyeh with a rifle over his shoulder.

Posted text:
"One of the posters of the revolution in the mid-1970s
We are fighting for the future of our children"
Text on image:
"We are fighting for the future of our children can quickly shed his 230 hours
Fatah
(In English:) He fights so that I live"
[Official Fatah Facebook page, Dec. 28, 2017]
Both posters bear the Fatah logo that includes a grenade, crossed rifles, and the PA map of "Palestine" that presents all of Israel as "Palestine" together with the PA areas.

A third poster, posted by Fatah's Nablus Branch, showed a masked Palestinian wearing a keffiyehand throwing a rock with a slingshot, and behind him the Dome of the Rock. At the top of the image a Palestinian flag, and the PLO logo featuring a flame, the Palestinian flag, and the PA map of "Palestine" that presents all of Israel as "Palestine" together with the PA areas.


Text on top of logo: "The Palestinian Liberation Organization"
Text on middle of logo: "National unity, national mobilization"
Text at bottom of logo under the PA map: "Liberation"
Text on image:
"Jerusalem is Arab and the capital of the Palestinian state
The PLO factions and institutions and activists of the Nablus district invite you
To say the Friday prayers
The Friday of rage and defiance
As a sign of emphasizing Jerusalem's Arabness
And as a sign of rejecting the American decision [recognizing Jerusalem as Israel's capital]
Date: Dec. 29, 2017
Place: Al-Shuhada Square
So that we will continue the confrontation and escalation"
[Facebook page of the Fatah Movement - Nablus Branch, Dec. 28, 2017]
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Malkin: An Unfond Farewell to Un-statesman Orrin Hatch

The longest-serving Republican senator in U.S. history announced this week that he will finally, finally, finally, finally, finally, finally, finally retire.

     
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The longest-serving Republican senator in U.S. history announced this week that he will finally, finally, finally, finally, finally, finally, finally retire.
That's seven "finallys" -- one for each of the consecutive six-year terms Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, served. He begin his occupancy in 1976, when all phones were dumb, the 5.25-inch floppy disk was cutting-edge, the very first Apple computer went on sale for $666.66, the Concorde was flying high, O.J. Simpson was a hero, Blake Shelton was a newborn, the first MRI was still a blueprint, and I was a gap-toothed first-grader wearing corduroy bell-bottoms crushing on Davy Jones.
This encrusted longevity will be marketed by Hatch, 83, and his supporters as proof of his "statesmanship." Indeed, The Atlantic magazine described him this week as "an elder-statesman figure in the GOP." Newsweek likewise reported on the farewell announcement of the "elder statesman." And Hatch's own press minions have disseminated press releases quoting other entrenched politicians such as Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., hailing their boss's "reputation as a statesman."
But that word doesn't mean what Beltway barnacles think it means.
Merriam-Webster defines a "statesman" as a "wise, skillful, and respected political leader." Earning the approbation of other office-clinging politicians doesn't make you a "respected political leader." It makes you an echo-chamber chump.
Wise? Skillful? Hatch was a Big Government business-as-usual dealmaker. His wisdom was of the wet-finger-in-the-wind variety, claiming a Reagan conservative mantle during election cycles and then throwing constitutional conservatives under the bus once comfortably back in his well-worn Senate committee seats.
Hatch joined with his old pal Teddy Kennedy to create the $6 billion national service boondoggle and the $8 billion-a-year CHIP health insurance entitlement.
He preached about the "rule of law," but was an original sponsor of the open-borders DREAM Act illegal alien student bailout, and, despite claiming to oppose it, he voted to fully fund the unconstitutional Obama amnesty during the lame-duck session.
He crusaded for "fiscal conservatism," yet voted for massive Wall Street bailouts, 16 debt ceiling increases totaling $7.5 trillion, and scores of earmarks totaling hundreds of millions of dollars for porky projects. He ends his four-decade reign as the Senate's top recipient of lobbyist cash.
And for the past two years, Team Hatch allies have spearheaded a multimillion-dollar fundraising campaign, squeezing donations from corporate donors and pharma and tech lobbyists to subsidize a "Hatch Foundation" and "Hatch Center" to commemorate the Hatch legacy.
"Statesman" isn't a titled earned by mere length of service. It's not a cheap status conferred like an AARP card or IHOP senior discount. A politician who notches decades of frequent flyer miles back and forth between Washington and his "home" state, enjoying the endless perks of incumbency, does not acquire statesmanship by perpetual re-election and political self-aggrandizement.
The idea of amassing $4 million to $6 million campaign war chests, as Hatch did the past two election cycles, is antithetical to the ideal of statesmanship. In the days of Cincinnatus and George Washington, self-sacrifice and civic virtue marked true statesmen. Affability, which Hatch is credited with possessing by his backroom Democrat chums, was no substitute for the humility exhibited by statesmen who volunteered to relinquish power at the very height of it -- not in its waning twilight.
So: Call Hatch a clock-puncher. Time-bider. Log-roller. Deal-cutter. Back-slapper. Call him most anything else now that he's finally, finally, finally, finally, finally, finally, finally called it a day.
Just please don't call him "statesman."

Glazov Gang: Dinesh D’Souza on “Hitler’s Lessons From The American Left”

What the Nazis learned from the Democratic Party to build their racist death camp.

     
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This new edition of The Glazov Gang features Dinesh D’Souza, a #1 New York Times bestselling author and author of the new book, The Big Lie: Exposing the Nazi Roots of the American Left.
Dinesh discusses Hitler’s Lessons From The American Left, unveiling what the Nazis learned from the Democratic Party to build their racist death camp.
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