Monday, October 1, 2018

Supreme Court starts new term shorthanded

Supreme Court starts new term shorthanded

   
Supreme Court starts new term shorthanded
© Getty
The Supreme Court starts its new term on Monday and it will be short-handed on the bench -- one of several challenges the justices are facing along with cases dealing with limits on the death penalty, the separation of church and state and employment discrimination.
Sexual assault allegations against Brett Kavanaugh, President Trump’s nominee to succeed former Justice Anthony Kennedy, have already delayed his Senate confirmation and could ultimately sink his nomination. But with or without him the court will be back in session.
Whoever is confirmed to replace Kennedy will miss the first oral arguments of the term, but could still participate in deciding those cases at a later date by listening to audio recordings of the arguments and reading transcripts.
Court watchers say this term as a whole is packed with potential.
“The accurate caption of this term is the calm before the storm,” Irv Gornstein, executive director of Georgetown’s Supreme Court Institute, said recently while speaking at Georgetown Law. “We’re headed for a whole new world, and the only questions are: How far are we going to go and how fast are we going to get there?”
In the pipeline are petitions and lower-court cases that justices may agree to hear in 2019, including a challenge to the constitutionality of President Trump’s decision to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program that protects from deportation about 800,000 young adults who were illegally brought to the U.S. by their parents.
The court does not begin the term with its full caseload. Instead, it accepts cases and petitions throughout the approximately nine-month term.
Here’s a look at some of the top cases.
Cruel and unusual punishment
In its first week back from summer recess, the court will hear an appeal from an Alabama man on death row.
Vernon Madison, 67, is pushing the court to overturn his death sentence because he now has a mental disability and says he no longer remembers shooting a police officer to death in 1985. Madison suffers from vascular dementia after multiple serious strokes.
He is invoking the Eighth Amendment’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment by challenging whether the state can put someone death who no longer remembers the capital crime they committed due to a mental disability.
The court agreed to stay Madison’s execution on Jan. 25, the day he was scheduled to be put to death. Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Neil Gorsuch said then that they would have denied the request.
The case, Madison v. Alabama, will be argued on Tuesday.
Church and state
Waiting in the wings is a case that challenges the separation of church and state.
The court has been asked to decide whether a 40-foot cross erected 93 years ago as a memorial for residents of Prince George’s County, Maryland, who died in combat in World War I, must be removed or altered.
The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals said the memorial violates the separation between church and state, as well as the Establishment Clause of the Constitution, which bars the government from establishing one religion because the Latin cross is the core symbol of Christianity.
But the Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission argues the appeals court got it wrong.
“This court has time and again made clear that the Establishment Clause ‘does not require eradication of all religious symbols in the public realm,’” the commission argued in its petition.
The justices have not yet decided whether to take the case. The petition was scheduled to be reviewed at their conference last week, but a decision has not yet been announced.
The case is Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission v. American Humanist Association.
Discrimination in employment
Two separate cases challenging whether civil rights laws banning sex discrimination in employment cover sexual orientation, and a third case challenging whether those laws cover people who are transgender, could all come before the court this term.
The first case, from the 11th Circuit, centers on Gerald Lynn Bostock, a child welfare services coordinator for a juvenile court system who says he was falsely accused of mismanaging funds and subsequently fired by the county for being gay. The appeals court affirmed a lower court’s decision to dismiss his claims, saying it has previously held that being fired for homosexuality is not prohibited by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
The second case, out of the Second Circuit, centers on a now-deceased skydiving instructor who said he was fired by his employer Altitude Express Inc. for being gay. A full panel of judges on the Second Circuit held that sexual orientation discrimination is motivated, at least in part, by sex and is thus a subset of sex discrimination for the purposes of Title VII.
The third case is an appeal from a Michigan funeral company home that the Sixth Circuit ruled unlawfully discriminated against its funeral director, Aimee Stephens, by firing her after she announced she was transgender and would begin dressing as a woman at work.
The attorney for the funeral home has asked the court to consider all three cases at an Oct. 26 conference meeting.
Legislative powers
The court this week will also hear arguments in a case that could disrupt the regulatory state.
In Gundy v. United States, the court will revisit the nondelegation doctrine, a rarely enforced principle that prohibits Congress from transferring its legislative powers to agencies without an “intelligible principle” or guidance on which to base its regulations.
The dispute centers on Herman Gundy, who was indicted in 2013 for failing to register as a sex offender in Maryland and New York under the Federal Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act of 2006.
Gundy was convicted of raping an 11-year-old girl in 2005, and while he was serving time for another charge the Bureau of Prisons transferred him from Maryland to Pennsylvania and later from Pennsylvania to a halfway house in New York, where he remained after he was released.
Gundy argues the registration requirements don’t apply to him because he was convicted in 2005 -- before Congress passed the sex offender law -- and the nondelegation doctrine prohibited Congress from allowing the U.S. attorney general to retroactively apply the law.
If the court takes a broad view of the nondelegation doctrine, it could lead to a host of cases challenging the power of federal agencies to issue regulations. Experts, however say the court is more likely to issue a narrow ruling that finds the delegation of powers in the sex offender registry law went too far.
“There’s no reason to think there’s a majority on the court that’s ready to upend the entire regulatory system of the U.S., but everyone will be watching to see what kind of hints or clues the court gives as to whether this is the beginning of a kind of new scrutinizing of the degree of delegation and degree of guidance that goes with it,” said Stephen Wermiel, a professor of practice at American University Washington College of Law.
Partisan gerrymandering
The court could be asked to determine again this term if politicians can draw voter districts that give one political party and edge over another.
The court punted on two similar cases last term, sending them back down to lower courts to re-examine if the plaintiffs had standing. But the challenge out of North Carolina has already made its way back.
Republican officials are now appealing a second decision from a three-judge district court panel to strike down the maps as an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander. They are expected to file their request to the Supreme Court on Monday.
--This report was updated at 8:08 a.m.
   
LOAD COMMENTS (105)

Kavanaugh clerk hire casts light on link to judge forced to quit in #MeToo era

Alex Kozinski resigned over allegations of sexual misconduct. His son clerked for Donald Trump’s supreme court pick
Brett Kavanaugh swears in at a Senate judiciary committee hearing.
 Brett Kavanaugh swears in at a Senate judiciary committee hearing. Photograph: REX/Shutterstock
Last year, before he became a supreme court nominee, Brett Kavanaugh hired the son of a close friend to serve as his clerk, even though the clerk had not earned a spot on the Yale Law Journal, as almost all Kavanaugh’s previous Yale clerks had.
The decision to hire Clayton Kozinski, son of the now disgraced judge Alex Kozinski, smacked of the kind of cronyism that is rife in federal courts. It was especially common for Kavanaugh, who not only had a reputation for hiring “model-like” female clerks, but also the children of powerful friends and allies.
The move also marked the culmination of a decades-long professional and personal relationship with Alex Kozinski – the first high-profile judge to be forced to resign in the #MeToo era – that had helped launch Kavanaugh’s career.
Attention is now centered on allegations of sexual assault against Kavanaugh, which he has strenuously denied under oath and are the subject of a new FBI investigation.
Sign up for the US morning briefing
But serious concerns about whether Kavanaugh lied under oath have also been raised – publicly and privately – on a topic that has received far less attention in the national spotlight: his insistence that he was shocked when he discovered last year that Kozinski, his mentor and friend, sexually harassed more than a dozen clerks in decades on the bench.
In sworn testimony, Kavanaugh said the revelation – which became public following an exposé in the Washington Post last year that eventually led to Kozinski’s resignation as chief judge of the ninth circuit court of appeals – had been a shocking “gut punch” and deeply disappointing.
People who knew Kozinski have privately – and in some cases, publicly – challenged that statement, saying Kozinski’s abusive behaviour, which ranged from kissing clerks to showing them pornography at work to making sexist remarks, was known throughout the judiciary. There were also public signs of his inappropriate use of pornography at work.
Individuals who knew Kozinski and spoke to the Guardian on the condition that their names be withheld, for fear of retribution, described Kavanaugh’s testimony as “ridiculous” and “unbelievable”.
“People were warned about Kozinski, that he was sexually gross,” said one former law clerk who served for a judge who worked in close proximity to Kozinski. “But they traded in their life for a year so that they could get a Kennedy clerkship, and then you are set for life.”
He was referring to Kozinski’s role as a “feeder” judge who vetted clerks for supreme court justice Anthony Kennedy. “Eventually, Kavanaugh had his own authority, also as a judge, to do something, and he didn’t.”
Kavanaugh’s relationship with Kozinski began in the early 1990s. As a top student at Yale law school, Kavanaugh had competed with another classmate, Alex Azar – a friend who is now secretary of health in the Trump administration – for a Kozinski clerkship.
Azar got the job with Kozinski but left it six weeks later, a decision that was described by one fellow classmate at the time as “jaw-dropping” because the clerkship was seen as a clear path to a clerkship at the supreme court. Azar has never explained publicly why he left, but people close to him at the time told the Guardian they believe that Azar, a social conservative, may have felt uncomfortable with Kozinski’s behaviour, which it later emerged included looking at copious amounts of pornography in the office.
Azar’s social circle at the time included Kavanaugh, who he has called a good friend, and Christopher Wray, now director of the FBI, also a graduate of Yale Law School.
Alex Azar is now Donald Trump’s health secretary.
Pinterest
 Alex Azar is now Donald Trump’s health secretary. Photograph: Mary Altaffer/AP
Azar declined to comment to specific questions about whether he discussed his reason for leaving Kozinski’s office with either Kavanaugh or Wray.
Any disclosure of concerns about Kozinski would have directly contradicted Kavanaugh’s sworn testimony. It would also raise questions about whether Wray has any personal knowledge about the situation, and whether Kavanaugh’s testimony about his lack of awareness of Kozinski’s alleged abusive behavior was truthful.
When Kozinski called Yale to seek a new clerk to fill the role Azar had vacated, Kavanaugh got the job.
The FBI declined to comment.
In an emailed statement, a spokeswoman for the Department of Health and Human Services said: “The secretary [Azar] had no knowledge of any circumstances that led to the later alleged sexual misconduct by Judge Kozinski, nor did he witness any sexually inappropriate behavior during his clerkship.”

‘Never having to say you’re sorry’

About a decade later, Kavanaugh would have become aware of another incident involving the judge. In 2001, Kozinski and another judge purposely sabotaged an internet security system that had been put in place after a review of the court’s use of bandwidth found that judges were downloading pornography at work. In one sample size, it amounted to nearly 4% of sites visited and in some cases involved imagery of sexual abuse.
According to a 2007 letter written by the former head of the administrative office of the courts to judge Ralph Winter, who chaired a judicial conduct committee, when he “sabotaged” the computer system Kozinski opened the door for hackers to break into US court records. He did so, Ralph Mecham wrote in his letter recounting the events, in order to defend “the unfettered ability of all judges and court employees to illegally download pornography and view it in federal courts”.
In 2008, the Los Angeles Times reported that Kozinski regularly distributed raunchy and offensive jokes to former clerks, judges and journalists, among others, in an infamous email list. Kavanaugh has testified under oath that he cannot remember if he had ever received such emails.
In 2015, Kavanaugh appeared with Kozinski on a panel to discuss clerkships. At the event, which was recorded on video, Kozinski jokingly teased that “being a judge means never having to say you’re sorry”, eliciting laughter from the male judges on the panel.
On the panel, Kavanaugh also endorsed a paper Kozinski had written on the hiring process for clerks. The paper, titled Confessions of a Bad Apple, purposely used crude sexual imagery, such as use of the acronym “Limp”, which one former Kozinski clerk said was a “strained acronym that was meant to be funny and [refer to] limp penises”. In the paper he also referred to male clerks as “hot dogs”.
“Kozinski was saying them [sexual things] so much that [he] put them in articles and opinions,” the former clerk told the Guardian.
In 2017, when the Washington Post exposed Kozinski’s alleged sexual misconduct, accounts included Kozinski showing a female clerk pornographic images and asking her if it turned her on. Kozinski resigned and apologised but said he had been misunderstood. He was never formally subject to a complete judicial investigation following his resignation.
Last week, Laura Gomez, a UCLA law professor and former clerk, wrote in the Los Angeles Times that she doubted Kavanaugh’s truthfulness regarding sexual assault allegations by Dr Christine Blasey Ford precisely because she believed he had not been forthcoming about his knowledge of Kozinski’s harassment. Gomez met Kozinski in 1992 while she was clerking for a judge on the same appeals court as Kozinski, who she said had a “creepiness factor”. It was one year after Kavanaugh’s clerkship ended.
“It simply doesn’t ring true to me that, as he asserted during the confirmation process, Kavanaugh would be in the dark about allegations of impropriety related to Kozinski,” Gomez wrote. She added: “I can’t help connecting the dots between a boys-will-be-boys high school culture, socialization into the legal profession by a ribald mentor, and what appears to be a convenient, willful blindness to that mentor’s obvious missteps.”
Kavanaugh testified this month that when he first learned last year of Kozinski’s alleged harassment, he called the judge, fearing for his mental health.
Last year, he hired Kozinski’s son Clayton – also a Yale Law graduate – to serve as his clerk. Of the 19 previous and forthcoming clerks Kavanaugh has hired from Yale Law School, only four, including Clayton Kozinski, have not had a spot on Yale Law Journal, a prestigious sign of academic achievement. The three others had other remarkable academic achievements, including graduating summa cum laude from Harvard, being a Rhodes Scholar, and earning two masters degrees between undergraduate and law school.
After serving Kavanaugh, Clayton Kozinski, who declined to comment to the Guardian, went on to clerk for another high-profile judge: Justice Anthony Kennedy, whose seat Kavanaugh hopes to fill.
 If you have tips on this story please contact Stephanie.Kirchgaessner@theguardian.com

Contact Form

Name

Email *

Message *