Friday, October 2, 2020

The Essential Scalia is a comprehensive collection of originalist thought Scalia put together what is incontestably the most consequential body of jurisprudence in our time, and it will without question have lasting influence. September 30, 2020 Gregory J. Sullivan

 

The Essential Scalia is a comprehensive collection of originalist thought

Scalia put together what is incontestably the most consequential body of jurisprudence in our time, and it will without question have lasting influence.

With the nomination of Judge Amy Coney Barrett to the United States Supreme Court the indispensable interpretive methods of original understanding in construing the Constitution and textualism in reading statutes are precisely where they belong: front and center.

For Judge Barrett, as for all originalists and textualists, there is no more towering figure in the project of getting the Constitution and statutes right than the late Justice Antonin Scalia, for whom Judge Barrett clerked. The Essential Scalia: On the Constitution, the Courts, and the Rule of Law, is a superb new collection of the Justice Scalia’s speeches, writings, and opinions that demonstrates the genuine triumph of original understanding in constitutional interpretation.

“As a practical matter,” Scalia rightly maintained, “there is no alternative to originalism but standardless judicial constitution-making.” This interpretive triumph – a major argument won — is due largely to Scalia’s long and immensely influential tenure on the Supreme Court, where he issued opinions, whether for the Court or in dissent, that were characterized by lucid and memorable prose, rigorous thought, and a sterling wit.

Smartly edited by Edward Whelan and the distinguished federal appellate judge Jeffrey Sutton, both former Scalia law clerks, The Essential Scalia has such seminal lectures as “The Rule of Law as a Law of Rules” as well as other statements of judicial method. Scalia’s emphasis on and reverence for constitutional architecture (“Structure is everything,” he stated in one speech) is appropriately featured, particularly with his dissent in 1988 in Morrison v. Olson. In this case, Scalia rejected the independent-counsel statute as an affront to the separation of powers – a position thoroughly vindicated by the later excesses of this law’s operation. This law was bare-knuckled assault on the Constitution’s structure: as Scalia famously argued, it was a wolf that came as wolf. At the time, Scalia was the only member on the Court who discerned a constitutional flaw in a statute that later became a vexing political problem.

Scalia was aware of originalism’s flaws, but as he argued, “The question is whether it is better than anything else.” Originalism is at its most impressive when confronting such patently results-driven cases involving abortion and same-sex marriage that have no foundation whatsoever in the text or history of the Constitution; rather, they are grounded in nothing more than judicial policy preferences. Scalia’s dissent in Planned Parenthood v. Casey is a a rhetorical and logical masterpiece, demolishing the sham of abortion jurisprudence.

And the more recent fiction of a constitutional right to same-sex marriage is tersely disposed of in Scalia’s dissent in Obergefell v. Hodges: “When the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified in 1868, every State limited marriage to one man and one woman, and no one doubted the constitutionality of doing so. That resolves these cases.” Indeed it does – that is, in a coherent constitutional world where majority opinions are not authored by Justice Anthony Kennedy.

One major danger of originalism is found where a complex, ambiguous historical record is evaluated with an absence of judicial restraint. That is the case in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008), where Scalia’s majority opinion waded into deep and murky historical waters and returned, for the first time in American constitutional history, with an individual right to possess firearms. Moreover, a few years later in McDonald v. City of Chicago (2010) Scalia joined his fellow conservatives in the federalism-nullifying project of incorporating this novel individual right and thus nationalizing it. The final word on obvious policy questions that constitute many gun regulations is now removed from state legislatures and placed under the ultimate control of federal courts. (How does the Constitution speak to, say, the fiercely contentious issue of magazine capacity?) This is originalism operating without the virtue of judicial restraint.

By contrast, in Employment Division v. Smith Scalia faced a dense historical record (which was not really discussed by him in this opinion, though it was in a concurring opinion in a later case, City of Boerne v. Flores in 1997) with restraint and revived a constitutional rule on the free exercise of religion that fettered courts in granting exemptions to generally applicable laws and properly reinforced majoritarianism by leaving the issue to legislatures. This use of restraint when history is a less-than-certain trumpet, rather than the incontinent overreaching of Heller, is precisely what originalism needs in order to avoid detrimental lapses into judicial imperialism.

Scalia put together what is incontestably the most consequential body of jurisprudence in our time, and it will without question have lasting influence. Whelan has, with this volume and Judge Sutton’s collaboration, continued his excellent work of editing and publishing Scalia’s general speeches and essays (Scalia Speaks: Reflections on Law, Faith, and Life Well Lived in 2017) and his essays and speeches on religion (On Faith: Lessons from an American Believer in 2019). This compendium of his jurisprudence is a well-arranged and very accessible entry into the mind of the most formidable constitutional analyst of our time.

The Essential Scalia: On the Constitution, the Courts, and the Rule of Law
By Antonin Scalia.
Edited by Jeffrey S. Sutton and Edward Whelan.
Crown Forum 2020
Hardcover, 334 pp.


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About Gregory J. Sullivan  12 Articles
Gregory J. Sullivan is a lawyer in New Jersey and a part-time lecturer in the Department of Politics at Princeton University. He has written for First Things and The Weekly Standard.

School district can’t hide student gender identity ‘transition’ from parents, Wis. judge says September 30, 2020 CNA Daily News News Briefs

 

School district can’t hide student gender identity ‘transition’ from parents, Wis. judge says

CNA Staff, Sep 30, 2020 / 05:43 pm (CNA).- A temporary injunction has halted the Madison School District from following gender identity guidance that critics said concealed from parents whether teachers and staff were affirming students in transgenderism.

Judge Frank Remington of the Circuit Court of Dane County issued a Sept. 28 court order barring the district “from applying or enforcing any policy, guideline, or practice reflected or recommended in its document entitled ‘Guidance & Policies to Support Transgender, Non-binary & Gender-Expansive Students’ in any manner that allows or requires district staff to conceal information or to answer untruthfully in response to any question that parents ask about their child at school, including information about the name and pronouns being used to address their child at school.”

Attorneys from both the Milwaukee-based Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty and the Alliance Defending Freedom national legal group initially represented 14 individual parents from eight families in their challenge to the guidance and policy.

“It should go without saying that school district staff should be honest with parents, especially when it comes to critical matters concerning their children, but we are pleased that the court has issued an order now requiring it,” Roger Brooks, senior counsel with the legal group Alliance Defending Freedom, said Sept. 29.

Brooks said attorneys will continue to argue for their clients’ “legitimate concern” over the policy of “deceiving parents” and “excluding them from profound decisions involving the well-being of their own children.”

Luke Berg, deputy counsel for the Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty, told the Wisconsin State Journal that the order is “a big win” that shows the policy is “concerning and problematic.” However, he argued the order did not go far enough because it does not require parents to be proactively notified of a child’s request to adopt a transgender identity.

“Our argument is you can’t facilitate a transition without parental consent,” he said.

Alliance Defending Freedom attorneys said the school district guidance instructs district employees to help children of any age adopt a transgender identity at school if the child requests it, without notifying parents or securing their consent. The request would be concealed from parents unless the child consents to parents being told.

The 33-page book on guidance and policies regarding support for transgender, non-binary and “gender expansive” students bears the label of the school district and begins with a message from Superintendent Jennifer Cheatham. However, the policy has not formally been adopted by the school board.

In response to Judge Remington’s order, the school district has said the guidance isn’t designed to “misrepresent or conceal anything from parents.”

The district said the guidance “prioritizes working in collaboration with families to support our students and it is always our preferred method of support.” The district said it will “continue to prioritize the safety and well-being of every individual student to the best of our ability.”

The school policy book section on family communication appears to take two approaches depending on whether a student’s family supports or does not support a self-identified gender identity.

The policy book says the district works to “include families in the process of supporting a student’s gender self-determination, including transition.” Families should be made aware of policies that support and protect their child. It discusses a “gender support plan” meeting and a communication plan that “meets the needs of the family-school team.”

However, the guidance and policy book also outlines responses that appear to show skepticism towards families that might not support a student’s self-identification as “transgender, non-binary and gender-expansive.”

“Disclosing a student’s personal information such as gender identity or sexual orientation can pose imminent safety risks, such as losing family support and housing,” the book said. All staff correspondence and communication to families regarding students must use their names that are recorded in school district systems “unless the student has specifically given permission to do otherwise.”

“This might involve using the student’s affirmed name and pronouns in the school setting, and their legal name and pronouns with family,” the guidance and policy book said. If a student insists on “maintaining privacy from their family,” then student services staff “shall discuss with the student contingency plans in the event that their privacy is compromised.”

“Students will be called by their affirmed name and pronouns regardless of parent/guardian permission to change their name and gender,” said the book.

Defenders of the guidance include attorneys representing three Madison high school student groups focused on gender and sexuality.

The plaintiffs submitted an expert affidavit challenging gender transition in minors.

The affidavit was by Dr. Stephen B. Levine, a clinical professor of psychiatry at Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine and a distinguished Life Fellow of the American Psychiatric Association with specialties in sexuality and therapies for sexual problems.

Levine said “therapy for young children that encourages transition cannot be considered to be neutral, but instead is an experimental procedure that has a high likelihood of changing the life path of the child, with highly unpredictable effects on mental and physical health, suicidality, and life expectancy. Claims that a civil right is at stake do not change the fact that what is proposed is a social and medical experiment.”


Such experimentation must follow appropriate ethics, and involvement of one or both parents in the large majority of cases is “essential” for responsible, effective and ethical diagnosis and treatment of those who may be suffering from gender dysphoria or a related condition, he said.

His affidavit said there are “widely varying views” among experts about the causes and appropriate therapeutic responses to gender dysphoria in children. A majority of children with gender dysphoria will outgrow it by puberty or adulthood, and it is not known how to distinguish children whose condition persists from those who do not. Some recent studies suggest that actively affirming transgender identity in young children will “substantially reduce” the number of children who later cease to self-identify as transgender, possibly increasing the number of people who suffer “the multiple long-term physical, mental, and social limitations” of those who live as transgender, the affidavit said.

The number of plaintiffs challenging the policy has dropped from 14 to six as parents have moved out of the school district or have pulled children from its schools.

 


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After litigation, new HHS policy ends prohibition on abortion for undocumented minors in federal custody September 30, 2020 CNA Daily News News Briefs

 

After litigation, new HHS policy ends prohibition on abortion for undocumented minors in federal custody

CNA Staff, Oct 1, 2020 / 12:00 am (CNA).-

Federal officials announced on Tuesday a new policy that will make it possible for undocumented teenage immigrants in federal custody to procure abortions, after nearly three years of litigation regarding the matter.

In a memorandum released on Tuesday, the Administration for Children and Families at the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) said that staff and providers with the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) would not “obstruct or interfere” with abortions or abortion counseling of “unaccompanied alien children.”

The policy requires that federal staff or contracted care providers ensure that minors seeking abortions “have access to medical appointments related to pregnancy in the same way they would with respect to other medical conditions,” and that they not prevent minors from obtaining abortions, in accord with relevant state laws.

But the policy also provides for opt-outs for religious providers, and clarifies that federal funds cannot be used for legal petitions, if a judicial bypass of state law regarding parental consent is requested.

The new policy was reached as part of an agreement with the ACLU that will end the ACLU’s lawsuits over the issue.

The case dates back to 2017, when the ACLU sued the administration on behalf of an unnamed 17 year-old immigrant who alleged that she had requested an abortion while in a federally-operated shelter in Texas but was not able to procure one because of federal policies.

Since March 2017, ORR policy had barred federally-funded shelters from providing or facilitating abortions without the permission of then-ORR director Scott Lloyd, a Catholic, who said that government shelters should provide pregnancy support to women in custody, but not be compelled to transport minors in custody for abortions.

The immigrant woman, named “Jane Doe” in her complaint, had reportedly received outside funding for the abortion, but HHS declined to transport her to an abortion clinic.

The government argued it had the right to determine what would be in the best interest of minors in federal custody, and also stated that it has an interest in not creating incentives for minors to cross international borders in order to obtain abortions.

At the time, the Texas Conference of Catholic Bishops praised the administration’s policy, and praised the initial appeals court decision that prevented the abortion from occurring.

The Texas bishops said “federal and Texas state officials are to be commended for defending the life of an innocent unborn child in a recent case involving an unaccompanied pregnant minor in federal immigration custody.”

They also said a court’s ruling that year allowing the girl to get an abortion would “require the government to facilitate and participate in ending the innocent life of the unborn child.”

“Indeed, this case, one of many brought by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), has as its objective compelling others to perform, facilitate, or pay for abortion who do not wish to do so. This objective is unconscionable. No one —the government, private individuals or organizations — should be forced to be complicit in abortion,” the bishops urged.

On Oct. 24, 2017, after several rounds of appeals, the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Doe must be helped by the government to get an abortion. She was 16 weeks pregnant, and Texas forbade abortions after 20 weeks. Doe had the abortion the next day, Oct. 25, as the administration did not immediately appeal the decision to the Supreme Court.

Nine days later, after Doe had an abortion, the Justice Department appealed the decision to the Supreme Court, which in June of 2018 vacated the appellate court decision.

But a preliminary injunction—or a halt—to the administration’s policy preventing underage immigrant abortions was still in effect; it was issued in April of 2018.

The new policy announced on Tuesday is similar to that injunction, the ACLU said.

Tuesday’s memo also includes provisions upholding the Hyde Amendment and granting an opt-out for religious health care providers who object to abortion. The Hyde Amendment is federal policy that prohibits federal funding of elective abortions except in cases of rape, incest, or when the life of the mother is at stake.

The memo says that when a teen immigrant is in the care of a religious provider opposed to abortions, ORR staff “will personally deliver any legally required notice” to them.

In the cases where an underage immigrant requests an abortion, but is detained in a state that requires parental notification for minors seeking abortions, the immigrant could obtain a judicial bypass order, the administration says, but ORR staff do not have to fund the immigrant’s legal representation in that case.


If the immigrant gets a bypass order and still wants an abortion, ORR staff cannot prevent them, the memo says.

According to the memo, “the legal position of HHS is that state courts cannot lawfully compel the ORR federal staff or ORR care providers to: consent to the provision of abortions” to underage immigrants.


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Vatican diplomats: ‘political correctness’ is hindering religious freedom October 1, 2020 CNA Daily News News Briefs

 

Vatican diplomats: ‘political correctness’ is hindering religious freedom

Rome, Italy, Oct 1, 2020 / 06:00 am (CNA).- While the U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo urged the Church to speak out about human rights abuses in China Wednesday, the Vatican’s top diplomats chose to focus their remarks at the same conference on an area of agreement with the current U.S. administration: the necessity of protecting freedom of conscience and religious voices in the public square.

Cardinal Pietro Parolin, the Vatican Secretary of State, said that “intolerant voices of the ‘politically correct’” can “silence and condemn those religious beliefs, traditions and practices that clash with their progressive ideology, labeling them as ‘hateful’ and ‘intolerant.’”

“It is time that we reflect more seriously about the root of ‘intolerance’ in such situations and, in particular, the shrinking public space for dialogue for and with those that practice their beliefs openly,” Parolin said in his closing remarks at the symposium organized by the U.S. Embassy to the Holy See in Rome Sept. 30.

“Indeed, the degree of respect for freedom of religion in the public sphere is a clear indicator of the health of any society; and, it follows, therefore, that it is also a ‘litmus test’ for the level of respect that exists for all other fundamental human rights as well,” the cardinal said.

Archbishop Paul Gallagher (pictured below), the Vatican Secretary for the Relations with States, echoed this sentiment in his remarks immediately following Pompeo’s speech.

“I think it is important to be aware of the fact that attacks against religious liberty are not only coming in the form of physical persecution, but ever more through ideological trends and ‘silencing,’ through what has often been called ‘political correctness,’ which are taking ever larger liberties in the name of ‘tolerance’ and ‘non-discrimination,’” Gallagher said.

“There are a growing number of examples of this phenomenon, including a number of states passing legislation aggressively attacking both the freedom of conscience and the freedom of religion. It is even present within the certain sectors of multilateral diplomacy,” he added.

Cardinal Parolin said that freedom of conscience was at “the heart of exercising the freedom to confess and practice a certain religion, or not to follow if one so chooses,” calling conscience “the inner sanctum of man’s transcendent nature” where “man discovers a law which he has not laid upon himself but which he must obey.”

“For man has in his heart a law inscribed by God … His conscience is man’s most secret core and his sanctuary. There he is alone with God whose voice echoes in his depths. The Church has always upheld the necessity to respect the internal forum of one’s conscience, not only because of its intrinsic link to the freedom of religion, but because it is the inner sanctum of the human person,” Parolin said.

He continued: “Sadly, we are witnessing a growing number of examples where this freedom is being violated, even forcefully so by civil legislation, which effectively amounts to an attack on the dignity of the human person.”

Parolin said that freedom of religion was in crisis because “our understanding of the truth of the human person and his anthropology is in crisis,” noting that this was not a new idea in the Church.

He said that Pope John Paul II’s 1993 encyclical Veritatis splendor “masterfully elaborated” this point and quoted multiple paragraphs from the text.

The cardinal added: “Although there are a number of current trends that undermine the proper perspective of human freedom, St. John Paul II highlights two prominent ones.  The first we may call ‘radical subjectivism’ or the exaltation of ‘individual freedom as an absolute.’”

“In our contemporary societies, particularly in the West, there is a strong tendency to exaggerate one’s personal freedom, to purposefully decouple it from the pursuit of the good, or worse, to make it the only good. As a result, man turns inward, becoming self-referential and, what is good, becomes wholly subjective.”

“From there, it is not long before man becomes an island, exercising his freedom, even apart from right reason. The ‘highest good’ has now become the eradication of any obstacle to ‘radical autonomy,’ such as the natural moral or divine law. Even other fundamental human rights must be abolished so as to no longer impede the desire of one’s choosing.”

The other prominent trend highlighted by the Polish pope was “the denial of objective moral truth,” Parolin explained.

The concept of objective moral truth has now been replaced by “an individual’s personal sentiment or feeling about the moral good,” he said.

Addressing the conference room full of U.S. State Department officials, diplomats accredited to the Holy See, and journalists gathered to discuss diplomatic tools for promoting religious freedom, Parolin said: “Ultimately, the decision to root man’s freedom solely in the self, without any reference to the Creator, is unsustainable.”

“To stress exclusively the expression of freedom of religion as ‘freedom from external coercion’ without addressing what this freedom is properly ordered to, namely, the discovery of the ultimate truth of one’s existence, one’s origin and destiny, given by the Creator, is like giving a child a tool and telling them ‘you should not use this tool for such and such,’ but never explaining to them ‘what purpose that tool was intended to serve,’” he said.

The cardinal then went on to quote the Baltimore Catechism: “If I am not mistaken, there is a famous series of catechetical booklets, produced from the one of the Councils of Baltimore in the United States. One of the initial questions of that faith primer is: ‘Why did God make you?’ and the proper response to be given is ‘God made me to know Him, to love Him, and to serve Him in this world, and to be happy with Him forever in the next.’”

“The simplicity of this should not obfuscate the profundity of this truth. We are created for a purpose … Without this objective end, an end that exists beyond the self, we cannot hope but to find society in crisis, with each of us unable to embrace anyone but ourselves.”



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